No taxation without representation

There is a familiar storyline in classic European novels, in which a young man from a wealthy family wastes his inheritance through foolish behaviour.  In Russian examples this generally involves running up massive losses at gambling tables, whereas in the most famous German example – Thomas Mann’s Buddenbrooks – it occurs when the northern virtues of diligent labour and prudent trading are abandoned in favour of the southern vices of impulse and the cultivation of an artistic temperament.  The reckless squandering of great wealth that had been carefully accumulated by one’s ancestors is presented to the reader as an evident sign of personal irresponsibility and, more widely, social decline.  It is far less common to read of older people of modest means, whose ethical failing consists in indebting their great grandchildren.  I find this surprising, since duties, presumably, should run in both directions, up and down the family tree.

One of the many achievements of the welfare state, which became the dominant socio-economic model in the Western world in the second half of the twentieth century, was that it replaced the lottery of family inheritance with a safety net that guarantees a minimum of goods and services to all citizens, regardless of what might be passed down by their families.  Irrespective of what kin supplied, kith ensured a decent standard of living for all.  That was the basic idea.  Lately, as the cost of goods and services continues to rise – due in part to a steady expansion of expectation as to what might be included in the baseline package – and widespread resistance to higher taxation grows, Western societies have all – to a greater or lesser extent – decided that their welfare state should be partly funded by future citizens.

Public debt is deferred taxation; spend now, pay later.  There are all sorts of reasons for thinking that this a sensible way of managing the mismatch between the appetite for services and the willingness to pay for them through the tax system.  Spreading costs over time has long been understood as a good strategy for individuals – using mortgage payments to buy a house, or insurance premiums to cover the risk of having to replace a major item that might be lost – and using borrowing to fund investments that will improve future profitability is well understood as a rationale for corporate leverage – the increased productivity achieved by upgrading machinery or premises, or the improving sales that follow from a large marketing campaign –  so it should come as no surprise that a similar approach has been adopted by governments.  The national debt exists, so it is said, not to burden future generations but to increase their inheritance: it should not be thought of as a liability that we pass on, but as a mechanism for increasing the size of the legacy we leave behind.  Well, maybe.

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Crossing the Rubicon

In 49 BC, on a cold winter night, the advanced guard of the 13th Legion of the Senate and People of Rome reached a small stream that flowed towards the Mediterranean.  This was the Rubicon, a waterway of such little geomorphological importance that today no-one really knows where it ran from and to: its location has been lost.  Minor in physical terms, it was nonetheless major in symbolic terms, for the Rubicon formed part of the frontier between Italy and Gaul, between Rome’s domestic territory and its foreign dominions.  It the 13th Legion crossed the Rubicon, they were in effect declaring the start of a civil war, a repudiation of the republican form of government that had existed in Rome for almost five hundred years, its traditions, its laws, its aversion to monarchy, and the clear separation between the violence used to suppress enemies abroad and the electoral process used to settle arguments at home.  The commander of the 13th Legion – Gaius Julius Caesar – paused at the stream, contemplating the potential consequences of his next steps.  

Caesar was aware of the likely immediate impact of his actions, but perhaps not even he could fully understand the historical significance of the symbolic act that he was about to undertake.  A contemporary British historian notes that, in Europe, because of Caesar’s action, a thousand years of civic self-government were brought to an end, and not for a thousand years and more, would it become a living reality again.  (Tom Holland, Rubicon, 2003.)  Caesar overthrew the Roman republic and inaugurated two millennium of monarchic and imperial government, the legacies of which remain today in Europe: the designations ‘Kaiser’ and ‘Czar’ are both derivations of Caesar’s name, and while he might call himself the President of Russia, it seems clear that Mr Putin considers himself an heir to the form of militarist dictatorship that Gaius Julius established at Rome. 

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